ROLE OF STUDENT LEADERSHIP IN PEACEFUL COEXISTANCE AT UNIVERSITIES: CASE OF MOI UNIVERSITY
Name: Ong'anya, G. V.
Email contact : onganya@yahoo.com
Postal Address: P.O Box 3900-30100, ELDORET
Abstract
Ethnicity has been a defining factor in Kenyan politics and society. It has not escaped universities either as student politics are dominated by ethnic undertones. In an effort to establish the processes involved in student politics and conflict resolution, this paper examines the history of student leadership in general and in Moi University in particular. The attributes of leadership are studied, and the ways the student leader conducts his/her tasks in communicating with the relevant university organs and officers through the available channels of communication. The electioneering process is analysed, as this is the stepping stone for student politicians to get into national politics. The methods used to solve crises at the university are a learning stage for the student leader to solve problems at the national level in his/her political career. The conflict resolution mechanisms are therefore interrogated, together with the culture at the university. The significance of ethnic associations, read as regional associations is examined in light of political mobilisation at the campus politics level. The broader picture of the national interest is considered. The nexus between student leadership and university administration is shown and the role of student leaders in conflict resolution at the university level demonstrated.
Introduction
Kenya's politics has to a large extend been defined by ethnic considerations. Since independence, the political class has been allocating resources to politically correct individuals, with the intention of winning ethnic support. After independence, allocation of national resources including land was done on ethnic considerations. Thomas Eriksen defines ethnicity as:
The social reproduction of basic classificatory differences between categories of people and to aspects of gain and loss in social interaction.
An ethnic group, in this paper, is defined as a group of people with a shared real or imagined ancestry. It is not merely a social construct, as people of a shared origin practice similar cultural practises. Kenya has three main ethnic families, the Bantus, Cushites and Nilotes. The Bantus are the majority, followed by the Nilotes, then the Cushites. The political class often considers the demographic factors in heir political decisions and practices. Democracy involves the will of the majority being considered, it is majoritarian in nature, though lines are drawn to provide for the minority voice as well. This is basically to allow for the preservation of the rights of the minority to avoid majoritarian dictatorship.
On campus, student and staff politics are greatly affected by ethnic influence. In the election of student leaders, many form ethnic alliances especially to scoop the most influential positions. The hotly contested in this regard are the position of the Chairman, Secretary General, Finance Director and the Academic Director. In the District Associations registered at the University, collaborations are struck between different districts, coming with it the force of the ethnic groups.
Conceptualisation of terms
A student leader is a tertiary institution leader serving a given leadership position at the campus. For purposes of this paper, student leader refers to any student who exercises legitimate authority over others. It may also be conceptualised in terms of a student who exercises power over a group of students on campus. This may be an elected political student leader, a student religious leader, a captain of the institution's games or sports team, a class representative, elected or appointed, or just an opinion leader.
University administration is used to refer to the entire system of university management. In this context, it is headed by the Vice Chancellor. The Dean of Students is the officer of the university charged with responsibility of student welfare. This is a function in the office of the Chief Academic Officer.
Leadership
Charismatic leadership has been found to be more responsive to the needs of the led. It appeals to the population, influencing action rather than coercion, and encourages team working and consensus. The more a student leader is perceived to be more democratic and influential the more s/he is likely to gain stronger foot in negotiating for reconciliation.
Student politics
Student politics on campus is regulated by the university rules and regulations governing the conduct of students. Formation of clubs and societies is approved by the Chief Academic Officer after meeting the minimum requirements. These include the advancement of the functions and objectives of the university. These clubs and societies, students practice their politics through the leadership. In many cases, these clubs and societies provide a stepping stone for student union leadership. A leader at the level of a club or society is known, and the performance of such a club or society may inform the electorate during union elections. The clubs and societies therefore mould leaders at the lower levels of student politics just like regional representation mould national politicians for national politics.
The appointment of class representatives also provides an opportunity for a student to showcase his/her political capabilities. Class representatives of large classes usually command a large popularity as compared to smaller classes. Some classes however do not elect class representatives, they are merely appointed by the lecturer in class without the class raising objections. In other classes, the politics of representation are so competitive that when a class representative fails to meet the expectations of the class they are "sacked."
Types of leaders
In his famous treatise The Prince, Nicolo Machiavelli lays three kinds of leaders. There are those who are in office but they can neither think for themselves nor critically consider the advice from others so as to come up with a hybrid solution. In student politics, this happens under some given circumstances. It could be that the leader was elected as a protest against another candidate. This has happened especially to tame arrogant students who often conduct themselves within a "class" set up. Such a candidate may have a very weak opponent, who is raised for the sake of proving a point. It has happened severally in the undergraduate organisation, the Moi University Students Organisation, thus breading a weak leadership, reluctant to the needs and aspirations of the electorate.
A leader may be elected on the basis of sheer luck. One may never have been in a position of leadership and therefore he has a tabular rasa on matters of leadership. By the time this student gets to the understanding of the office, he is already out of office. To address such a situation, there should be organised better discussion forums, the grand debates where candidates express themselves fro purposes of being known by the electorate. There are various theories of organisational leadership, ranging from "soft power" approach to "hard power" approach to leadership. These are the categories of hawkish and dovish paradigms.
The outgoing leadership often determines the kind of the incoming leadership. If the outgoing leadership was hawkish, and it is analysed that the group did not achieve much, the electorate would consider a dovish, soft stance leadership, and vice versa.
There are a number of organisational leadership. Earlier theories explained leadership behaviour in terms of the leader/led relationship. In this approach, there is a clear-cut hierarchy of superior and subordinate relationship (G.Graen and Cashman). The leader provides direction and support. S/he may consult, but the advice sought is not binding. New theories emphasise inspirational leadership, appeal to ideology and morals, the practise of soft power, consensus formation, etc (Shamir, House and Arthur).
This second approach due to its appeal to the masses is found more effective especially when coupled with rational firmness. The leader, for this matter the student leader, is able to match the expectations of the university administration, student demands and the personal interests of the leader. The leader is a source of influence to his/her peers and may preside a harmonious student organisation. The bigger impact is that the administration would be more sensitive to the kind demands of students. Should the leader develop a favourable rapport with the administration, service to students would be improved rather than in the case of a confrontational relationship, characterised by mutual suspicion of intention.
Charismatic leadership falls in the second category above distinguished by its preference to appeal to the masses. It is more responsive to the needs of the electorate owing to its consultative approach. It brings about a shift in the values, needs, goals and aspirations of the electorate (Shamir, House and Arthur 579). Charismatic and transformational leadership elevates the subjects to a higher level within the Maslow hierarchy of needs, and also to higher to moral standards. The latter is special in this particular context. It promotes thinking to "more principled levels of judgement" (Burns). Besides, such leadership creates a sense of selflessness to the leader and also to the led. Due to its appeal to consultation and consensus, there is a strong bond within the studentship, creating an atmosphere of optism, trust and cohesion. It defeats the argument that the administration is dismissive of student concerns because it facilitates a common approach to matters of mutual as well as discrete concern. Egocentric concerns, though considered as a matter of fact of human nature, do not transcend the greater social interest. Utilitarian approach to life gains advantage: the search for the greatest happiness for the greatest number.
Political realities have provided proof to this theory. Kenyans were rated as the most optimists people on earth by a BBC survey. This was at the time the 39 year rule of the Kenya African National Union was brought to an end at a General Election that gave an overwhelming victory, a landslide win, to the National Alliance of Rainbow Coalition under Mwai Kibaki as party leader and presidential torch bearer, Kijana Wamalwa as the presidential running mate, Raila Odinga and others as members of the NARC Summit, the apex of the party. Though this was a mere marriage of convenience for short-term political gains, it demonstrated that with the right political appeal, the led can go out of their way in philanthropic generosity, setting aside luxury for the sake of the common good. The philanthropic gesture was widespread, and was either consciously or unconsciously expressed. Emotions were high as the 39 years of KANU rule were curtailed setting the stage for the rewriting of history. The promises that were made by the newly elected government were so ambitious and the people were ready to assist the government whenever it was possible. The fight against impunity and endemic corruption was given a boost from the grassroots. Citizens took it as their responsibility to arrest corrupt public officials, arraigning them in court, with the expectation that the government leadership will reciprocate with equal, if not extra measure.. this went on until the government started showing signs of fundamental differences within, in both substance and procedure. The Liberal Democratic Party faction of the NARC Government, led by Raila Odinga stood for a different approach, radical in disposition to the fight against graft. Within this group were long-time life members of the defeated independence party KANU who sympathised with their former buddies. Besides, some of the members in this faction were negatively mentioned in Moi-time scandals, and would not wish to have a thorough and complete overhaul of the former system. The National Alliance of Kenya NAK faction of the NARC Government led by the President and the Vice President favoured a slower approach to dealing with corruption during the former regime. But fundamentally was the controversial Memorandum of Understanding signed between the Liberal Democratic Party and the National Alliance of Kenya on a power deal should the NARC coalition take over power. Ostensibly, the Liberal Democratic Party was to produce a Prime Minister in the new government, who was to be Raila Odinga. The National Alliance of Kenya was to have Mwai Kibaki as President, and Wamalwa Kijana as Vice President. The constitution was to dealt with to introduce the position of a powerful Prime Minister who would head the Government. After the landslide victory, the Liberal Democratic Party cried fowl that they had been duped by President Kibaki.
From the foregoing, politics is a game of intrigues, that the smart will have their way while the principled have their say. Campus politics is shrouded in similar intrigues, where coalitions are made and abandoned soon after elections. The ideals leading the coalitions are often myopic, many times meant to have some person in office, and the vehicle is grounded just after reaching at the destination. The realist approach of the end justifying the means as advocated by Nicolo Machiavelli may serve both the better and the worse. Intrigues and propaganda are good to assure someone's ascendency to power. What lingers in the candidate's mind at election canvassing is what determines, whether it is the "our time to eat" notion or "our time to serve." It si this political double speak that compromises the potential of the student leader to provide expected services to the full potential.
Basic elements of leadership psychology and performance
Stanley Renshon identifies character as a representation of a person's integrated pattern of responding to three basic spheres of domain (Renshon). He contends that purposeful initiative, action and capacity is the first of the three domains. This is personal ambition and desire to accomplish some immediate and life purposes. At this juncture, a major point of departure is in the leader's drive in leadership. There are student leaders whose ego overshadows a fair service delivery initiative to the electorate. The "time to eat" approach of student and even national political leadership has created a culture of impunity that the authorities do not regard the positions of trust with dignity. It is the university students who deplore this kind of national political leadership, demanding the resignation or sacking of perceived or real public figures that have been adversely mentioned in scandalous deals. The moral authority of such a leader to influence positive change in society is eroded by the character, conduct and association of the leader.
It is a norm rather than an exception for student leaders to gain maximally, however immorally from the position of trust bestowed on him/her. The tendering process in the student body is done in the midst of secrecy. Transparency and accountability is sacrificed on the alter on egocentric drives. Business premises are often either awarded to close confidants of the elected student leaders, or to the "highest bidder" in terms of the student who will offer the best deal for the members of the tendering committee. This is besides the tender requirements. The leaders may as well award the tenders to themselves by use of proxy names. Amounts of money involved in such exchanges are as much as KES 50,000. The expectation of a student leadership under such an environment is dragged to their lowest basing on the circumstances. This tendency clearly kills the long term ambition of the student leader.
The relationship of the administration may also fall short of expectations. The student leader may not articulate members' concerns, and therefore compromising the perception of the administration to the students' eyes. This further complicates the student-administration relationship, not because the administration is not sensitive to student matters, but because it is not fed with the right information.
If negatively applied, ambition may compromise student leader's future. Short term ambition often blind folds one to concentrate on short term gains which may be off balance from fairness.
National Politics and the lessons fro the youth
It was a revolutionary time in Kenya as the country lost some 1133 people as a result. The credibility of the ECK declared president was put to question in parliament when, after the swearing in of Mwai Kibaki as the Othaya MP, over looking the alphabetical order of names because he was the declared winner of the presidential race, the member elect for Budalangi; Ababu Namwamba refused to be sworn in before "his president" the ODM leader Raila Odinga. It was then decided that Raila be sworn in so that other members could follow in alphabetical.
By this time, the country was in flames as ethnic violence, both planned and spontaneous, raged the nation. It was at the time of absence of peace, that Kenyans acknowledged the significance of peace. Once lauded as the "island of peace", Kenya sunk into ethnic fighting; degenerating even further into class struggles. Property worth billions of shillings was destroyed, and the state could not enforce order. Kenya was slipping into a failed state married by civil war.
The skirmishes were felt far and wide. The instability in Kenya is a major cause of worry for the interest of other states. Kenya is a gateway t the Indian ocean, Uganda and Rwanda were victims of circumstances as they could not access their cage from the port of Mombasa. The fight against terrorism and piracy by Europe and America was thrown into jeopardy as Kenya as the centre of operations was on fire. The US secretary of state Condoleezza Rice had to come to Kenya to dictate terms of a coalition government to the two principal antagonist, Raila Odinga and Mwai Kibaki.
The African Union and the United Nations were equally concerned. A committed of Eminent African persons was established under the leadership of Kofi Anan to mediate between the two principles on the way forward. The deal was to have a power- sharing government with two centre of power, distributed to the two sides, the "Government " side represented by Mr. Kibaki and the ODM by Mr Odinga was to be Prime Minister and Kibaki President Executive power was to be distributed between the two on equal basis.
Two commissioners of inquiry were formed the commissioner of inquiry into the Post Election Violence (CIPEV) chaired by a seasoned judge Philip Waki and the independent Review Commission (IREC) chaired by a South African judge, Johann Kriegler. This second one was to review the events leading to the PEV, and the structural weaknesses in the system, including the electoral body.
It was at the back drop of these events of the violence that the need for peace and reconciliation forums was articulated. The youth were used by the political class to cause mayhem across the country. The dreaded outlawed Mungiki sect played a pivotal role in the violence. The membership of this group comprise mainly of youth who are frustrated by lack of a living. They are known for their inhuman treatment of their victims, where they slaughter them with machetes and other crude weapons.
This group is commanded and funded by the political and economic class in society. They comprise mainly of young people who reduced to status of "thugs for hire" by the politicians, because it is out of their courage and potential of executing heinous activities that they may gain food for the day.
The focus of this paper is on the student leadership in Universities and their role in peace and reconciliation. The channels of communication with the University administration are also discussed. It was realized that university students played a major role in funning the PEV in 2008. Prior to the election, hate speeches and sentiments were attributed to university students in the various press conferences they called claiming to state their positions, in their capacities either as student leaders, community opinion leaders or as individuals. The politicians did not waste time to buy some of these students to their sides. In Moi University for instance, some student rooms were "converted" into party offices, mainly PNU and ODM. T-shirts, posters, pamphlets, party cards, among other political paraphernalia were distributed from these "branch offices", campaign strategies were made on campus, without the knowledge of the University administration. It were these meetings that events took on ethnic dimensions, with Kikuyus being considered as the "pariah" community by other communities. The idea was to defeat the incumbent Kibaki, himself a Kikuyu. Through media information, it was clear that some influential and strategic positions had been filled by members of one ethnic group. These included the leadership of the Kenya Revenue Authority, Central Bank of Kenya the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Provincial Administration, among others. This was interpreted as the ethnicisation of governance in Kenya.
If these are the youth who actively participated in the violence, then their basis, at the University ought to be considered. The same way they engaged in spreading propaganda, they are expected to come together in the name of nation-building. Reconciliation starts with an individual, and then spreads in society. The university, through the office of the Dean of Students needs to establish an office to deal with cohesion and national integration. This should be the centre for civic education and ethnic education, to sensitise the student fraternity on the practise of positive ethnicity. Cultural events need to be organised fro different ethnicities to show case their cultural heritage, and at the same time dismiss some of the ethnic stereotypes held by the society.
Rationale for student leadership
Any society must have a structure to avoid the hobbesian state of nature. In his conceptualization of state, Thomas Hobbes, a British philosopher, hypothesized a situation of a conflict involving all against all. Each individual was seen as an enemy, and thus had to be dealt with firmly. Thomas Hobbes thought that to enhance order, a leviathan had to be established, a body had to surrender all their rights to this levitation, which was supposed to serve the aggregate interest of the populace. It follows that structure less society is anarchy. Student in a University thus require an organized forum where they can raise their concerns.
Student's leadership in Moi University
At Moi University student welfare is administered by the Dean of students. The office deals with registration and facilitation of the operations of all clubs and societies. There are two major student bodies, recognized by the University council as representative the student. This fraternity are the undergraduate Moi University students organizations and the postgraduate Moi University Graduate Students Association. The two sister unions conducts General elections on an annual basis to elect members of the executive organ. The operations of the two unions are however different. Suffice to elaborate on the two.
Moi University Students Organization
This is an organization for all undergraduate students. As constituted, the Headquarters office has eleven elected officials and an appointed editor of the organizations magazine, the Illuminator. The eleven are the Chairperson, Vice Chair, Secretary General, Assistant Secretary General, Finance Directors, Academics Director, Security And Accommodation Director, Sports Director, Entertainment Director, Catering Director and Health Director. Other branches may have less than the twelve.
Official electioneering takes two weeks, and is run by an appointed Student Electoral Commission after a rigorous interview process. The positions are usually advertised where finalists are asked to apply. It is assumed that the finalists have had the most experience and have limited or no vested interests so as to influence the outcome of the elections.
Among the most important tenets of democracy in the electioneering are the forums created for the different candidates to elaborate their program. The personality of the candidates is discerned in these forums and may be a make or break for them. The activity is commonly referred to as "cross fire" because of the nature of engagement between and among the candidates and their supporters.
During the electioneering, students usually have a notion that the leadership should always be in a confrontational engagement with the administration. The Dean of Students is always on the spot on this, will chants of "Mureithi must go." soon after elections, however, it dawns to the elected office and so they will have to radically amend their approach. This is he time the student's leadership amends their approach compromising their stands on various issues. It is not necessarily due to compromise in the negative light, but of the realisation that the University is keen on the plight of students. The Dean of Students always provides an open door for consultation with students, and reasons out with them on matters affecting them. With his immense knowledge and experience of student psychology, he may force a decision on the student leadership "in the interest" of the students.
The Chairman and the Secretary General are expected to be the voice of the organization. However, this is not always the case. On several instances the Sports Entertainment and Security and Accommodation directors have over-shadowed the Chairman in the MUSO politics. It depends largely on the personality of the incumbent: the more outgoing s/he is, the more powerful s/he is and thus the more influence s/he asserts. It could be noted with the unfortunate events leading to the abrupt closure of the Main Campus in September 2009. It was the Security and Accommodation Director who was at the core of events thus earnings himself a heroic title. Though he was given suspension by the University senate, his courage is acknowledged by the student fraternity. The said demonstration which turned out tragic was a cry against astronomical commuting bus fare on the Main Campus to Town route by then charging KES 110 for the 35 km stretch, a rate of KES 3 per km. similar routes were found to charge between KES 1 and 2 per kilometre. After holding a series of meetings with the university administration in vain the talented mobilizer organized a demonstration, duly authorized by the provincial administration. The demonstration was attended by the Dean of Students and the Security Office, and the office of the Vice Chancellor had information to that effect. The community surrounding the university was also mobilised well in advance, and they expressed support for the demonstration. This was a tactic employed by the organizers to avert any conflicts that would have arisen as a result. This brings out the character of the leader. He is positively arrogant, rational radical, charismatic and firm. Option A on negotiation bore no expected results, and so option B on demonstration was necessary. It was out of necessity, and therefore by default, that this alternative was executed. That a student lost his life and other admitted in hospital is regrettable. The Director and the Chairman could not apologize, even after the incident. This was expected of them. In diplomacy, there are no apologies, only regrets of incidences.
Moi University Graduate Students Association
This is an Association of all postgraduate students of Moi University. The Association was started as a sister union to the undergraduate MUSO. It was after the realisation that postgraduate students' issues were not adequately addressed by the predominantly undergraduate MUSO. Sometimes, interests were at variance, therefore sacrificing postgraduate concerns on the alter of undergraduate demands. The undergraduate union could not articulate the interests of the postgraduate students partly because of lack of understanding. Matters of research, thesis writing and supervision, publications, among other technical aspects of postgraduate studies.
A blow jetted in after the unfair disbandment of the School of Graduate Studies. This happening dampened the prospects of excellence in postgraduate programmes. The registration and subscription fees paid in by postgraduate students could not be adequately accounted for. The office of the Dean of Students which was given the responsibility over graduate welfare became overwhelmed with responsibilities, thus concentrating on undergraduate issues, leaving postgraduate matters to the periphery. The university unconsciously ignored postgraduate matters, leaving them to the mercies of individual student effort to finding a panacea to any issue arising. Vital university organs ran without due recognition of postgraduate potential. The University Senate and Council, together with all their committees cold not benefit from the wealth of contribution from postgraduate students. Even the Senate Graduate Studies Research and Extension Committee did not have representation from graduate students' fraternity. This clearly meant that major graduate policies and decisions were arrived at without regard to the supposed beneficiaries.
The perceived tranquillity within the graduate fraternity did not necessarily point a true picture on the feeling of postgraduate students. One, a number of the postgraduate students is employed. They are therefore too busy to follow up issues that are not necessarily "life and death." With a stoic attitude, they just get ahead with the many difficulties and challenges on their way. The negative effect is the negative publicity Moi University gets outside.
Secondly, postgraduate students are all mature people who may not mobilise themselves to demand for a right denied to them. Unlike the undergraduate colleagues who would demonstrate carrying twigs in demand of what they think is their right, postgraduates would rather go slowly on it, so long as they graduate in their respective programmes. This in turn breeds impunity among the university staff members who abandon their responsibilities just because no one will complain. This greatly compromises the quality of graduate studies at Moi University, and therefore the institutional image. In the age of quality assurance, internationalisation of education and globalisation, a university that does not keep track of its graduate engagements is easily declared obsolete.
Thirdly, a considerable fraction of gradate students are Moi University staff members, both administrative and academic. For fear of victimisation, these staff members may not come out to complain of difficulties facing them. They need a strong union which could raise all these concerns in the relevant university organs without fear or conflicting interests.
Promoting peaceful coexistence
For peaceful coexistence within the institution, these two important unions need to operate at close range. Nearly all campus facilities are shared between the postgraduates and undergraduates. There is therefore need of these two unions to be arranging joint meetings, coming out with joint approach when facing the administration. Some of the issues of mutual concern are the security of students on Campus. Reports are increasing of insecurity where students are attacked at night by unknown strangers. The joint student union needs to address these issues, recommending measures to be taken by the university rather than holding a general sense of optimism on the university. This is the whole essence of consultation and exchange of ideas.
In electioneering, candidates formally campaign independently often they come up with collaborations, based on various variables. After the process, there is need for a leadership training to inculcate in the leaders a spirit of team work and responsibility. The channels of communication need to be set clear and the civic responsibility also emphasised. The different approaches to leadership need to be acknowledged in forging a united front towards harmonising the various paradigms.
Conclusion
Student leadership is a privileged position in society. The student leader ought to consider himself more than a mere leader at the campus. The ramifications of his/her leadership may have a greater bearing, even outside the campus environment. During the clamour for multiparty politics in Kenya, it was the university students who were actively participating in the demonstrations. These are the like of Dr Mukhisa Kituyi, Miguna Miguna, James Orengo, among others.
It is these student leaders that ought to bring out issues in the political landscape in the country. The politics surrounding the conservation of the Mau Forest complex has been thrown out of proportion by the politicians. It is embarrassing that the same politicians are going around the country questioning whether rain brings about forests or it is the other way round. In the constitutional referendum process, again it is the student leadership who are expected by society to bridge the gap between the two contending sides. The malicious propaganda going around on the interpretation of the draft law may be corrected by the student leaders both on campus and out of campus. The influence they hold may cause a big service fro the current generation as well as posterity.
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Notes
